Guest post by Dan Fejes
Dan Fejes is a blogger at Pruning Shears. He lives in northeast Ohio.
(
Ed. note: This is Dan's second guest post at
The Reaction. You can find his first, on the Arizona shooting, a response to the stupidity of
Glenn "Instapundit" Reynolds,
here. --
MJWS)
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Conventional wisdom in Washington seems to have pretty quickly settled on an ideological basis for the unrest in Egypt. By doing so, it has ignored a more compelling -- and prosaic -- explanation.
There appears to be a yawning chasm between what is
happening in Egypt and elite opinions in D.C. Consider
this
exchange between Chris Matthews and NBC News chief foreign affairs
correspondent Richard Engel:
ENGEL: The Muslim Brotherhood
is telling the army that it can be a reasonable, rational organization.
I did an interview tonight with one of the senior leaders of the Muslim
Brotherhood. He was telling me to tell the American people that the
Muslim Brotherhood can be reasoned with, wants to be a player, isn't a
radical group. So you're trying -- you are seeing the Muslim Brotherhood
legitimize itself, much in the same way you saw Hamas try and legitimize
itself during the elections in Gaza.
MATTHEWS: Does that
surprise you, as someone who really grew up over there as a journalist,
living among the Muslim Brotherhood? Does it surprise you that they
could be copacetic with the military?
ENGEL: Not at all. A lot
of them are truly patriotic Egyptians. They don't necessarily want to
overthrow the military regime. In the belief structure and the
political structure that the Muslim Brotherhood has, which is common in
Islamic moments, they believe in a strict hierarchy. There can be a
ruler. There can be a military ruler. But as long as that military
ruler doesn't impede on the ability of the Muslim people to worship,
then they have no problem with that. So they could live very
copacetically with the military. It's not that it is a Taliban kind of
movement that wants to take over...
MATTHEWS: I get
you.
ENGEL: ...and tell everyone what to do and how to do it.
They're very patriotic. They have lot of supporters. You mentioned I
lived with a lot of them. They were nice people. I mean, If you fell
down in the street, they would come and help you out. If you didn't
have enough money for the bus, they would give you money. There was a
community feeling that a lot of people are nostalgic about in this
country that is still present in the poorer, more Muslim -- more Islamic
communities here.
What people are so upset about is prices have
gotten so high, there's become this elite class of Egyptians
that...
MATTHEWS: Right.
ENGEL: ...no longer reflects a
lot of the traditional cultural values here. And the Muslim Brotherhood
still does embrace those values very close to its
chest.
Matthews comes across as somewhat surprised
that the Muslim Brotherhood could play a legitimate role in a new
Egyptian government. The assumption, apparently widespread in Washington, is that a populist Islamic movement is necessarily violent.
(In fairness, they might just be extrapolating from America's
own
experience with religious extremists.)
In fact, he might
even be something of an outlier in his mildness. Tom Friedman, who
usually -- but
not
always! -- hides his anti-Islamic fervor well,
had
this to say: "For the last 20 years, President Mubarak has had all
the leverage he could ever want to truly reform Egypt's economy and
build a moderate, legitimate political center to fill the void between
his authoritarian state and the Muslim Brotherhood."
He simply
postulates that the Muslim Brotherhood is the opposite pole of an
authoritarian state. He does not appear to have done any analysis to
arrive at that conclusion. He has not spoken with anyone in the
organization (my God man, are there
no
taxis in Cairo?) (Also
see
this, just because.) He just assumes that everyone intuitively
grasps exactly what he does.
That seems to be roughly the
center of conventional wisdom. To find the far edge of fear and
loathing,
see
this from Richard Cohen: "The next Egyptian government -- or the one
after -- might well be composed of Islamists. In that case, the peace
with Israel will be abrogated and the mob currently in the streets will
roar its approval." His entire misanthropic screed throbs with the
message: these savages cannot govern themselves. It isn't even subtext
at this point. It's right there on the surface.
There does
not appear to be any appreciation that very ordinary concerns might be
driving the protesters. What was
touted
as an economic miracle
was
disastrous for those on the lower end of the economic scale; Nomi
Prins
called
this "the appearance of enhancement." Robust economic growth was
outpaced
by
inflation, which lead to widespread hunger (I refuse to use the
euphemism "food insecurity"). Food riots have
killed
people. The marvels of globalization have been decidedly
less
wonderful for many.
Do the anti-Islamic commentators in Washington
have any sense that such workaday issues might just be front-and-center
in the protester's minds? And that any party that begins to address
them will thereby enjoy the consent of the governed?
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As a
coda, those of us in the West might want to consider the following
thoughts William Gamble
shared about Tunisia: